By Sukhmani Dev
Hrant Dink, a Turkish Armenian intellectual, was assassinated on 19 January 2007 in Istanbul. Soon, a song by the nationalist folk singer Ismail Türüt, released later in the year, sparked controversy when a YouTube video linked the lyrics to Dink’s assassination in a celebratory manner. In 2017, Zabit Kişi, a critic of Turkey, was abducted by the Turkish state, and claimed that Turkish intelligence (MIT) tortured him “to the music of the national anthem, janissary marches, and İsmail Türüt’s folk songs”.[2] In this blog, I aim to uncover how the song displays core features of Turkish nationalism, and how they happen to resonate deeply with state agencies in its construction of the ‘self’ and the ‘other’.
Türüt’s song Plan Yapmayın Plan (‘Don’t Dare to Make Plans’) immediately became popular throughout Turkey and within the northeastern city of Trabzon – a nationalist hotbed and home to Dink’s killer – Ogün, and his accomplice – Yasin.
The song begins with a simple warning:
“Plan, do not make a plan, that does not suit the Black Sea,
Stabs in the back, lies and untruths do not succeed at the Black Sea,
Let neither Johnny nor the Russians lay traps,
The horn of separatism does not blow at the Black Sea”.[3]
The word ‘plan’ – used in negative, conspiratorial sense – assumes maligned intentions on the part of those against the Turkish state- and is used synonymously with the ‘Black Sea’. The overall tone is cautionary, indicating low tolerance for conspiracies by anti-Turkish elements. While Americans (‘Johnny’) and Russians are explicitly mentioned as external state actors, the next line establishes the presence of an internal ‘other’ by mentioning separatism – likely a reference to the Kurdish issue. It reflects an absence of separatism in the Black Sea region, which is simultaneously more nationalist and has a low appetite for tolerance, as a matter of pride.
The next stanza in particular answers to a contradiction inherent in Turkish nationalist discourse between secularism, Islam, and ethnic homogeneity:
“Stop ringing (church) bells, stop being pro-Armenian
…
The Black Sea does not run out of Fatihas and Yasins” [3]
It actively reinforces the ethno-religious conception of Turkish nationalism through articulating the rejection of Armenians (non-Turks), while elevating Islam as a core feature of Turkish identity.
And herein lies the assumed link to Dink’s murder. The ‘music video’ showed a Catholic priest, who was murdered in Trabzon (‘stop ringing church bells’), and photos of citizens’ solidarity with Dink through placards reading ‘we are all Armenian’ as Türüt begins this stanza. Moreover, ‘on that day’ in Turkish is read as ‘o gün’– likely a reference to Dink’s killer.[4] In suggesting that the Black Sea does ‘not run out of Yasins’ (Ogün’s accomplice) there is recognition that anti-Turkish sentiment, arising from acknowledgment of the Armenian genocide, would not be tolerated.
Building on this, the next stanza reinvigorates the endorsement of punishment by death for perceived anti-nationals:
“…I
The sun of the Turk and Islam does not set at the Black Sea…”[3]
Here, ‘Turkishness’ is explicitly tied to ethnicity and religion, where Turkic ethnicity and Islam are conflated to form a true Turkish identity.
The symbolism behind MIT’s use of this song for torture reveals a weaponisation of culture by state institutions, where punishing dissent and reinforcing the state’s narrative go hand in hand. Türüt’s song, layered with ethno-religious nationalism, becomes a tool for asserting dominance through cultural humiliation. Using this music during torture, as in Kişi’s case, becomes a form of ideological policing which reinforces the ‘correct’ conception of ‘Turkishness’ upon a ‘traitor’. The creation of ‘us’ and ‘them’ in the song aligns the dissenter with the ‘other’, which also makes the physical torment that follows easier to inflict by the authorities. It goes beyond mere psychological warfare – it is deeply symbolic of a theory of the state shared by ultranationalists and those in power.
Therefore, when glorified by the state during acts of torture, music ceases to be a mere performance. Rather, it becomes identified with the state apparatus as a tool of aggression. Ultimately, any alternative vision of the nation or the self also becomes a casualty through torture.
Word Count: 704
Bibliography
[3] Önderoğlu, E. (2007, November 7). Nationalist singer and composer on trial. Retrieved from Bianet: https://bianet.org/haber/nationalist-singer-and-composer-on-trial-102763
[1] Al Jazeera. (2007, September 24). Anger over ‘Dink kiling’ song. Retrieved from Al Jazeera: https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2007/9/24/anger-over-dink-killing-song
[4] Altun, M. (2016, August). Of Conspiracies and Men: The Politics of Evil in Turkey. PhD Dissertation. University of Minnesota.
[2] Bozkurt, A. (2019, July 28). Racist folk singer whose songs played during torture in Turkey fans hatred among Turks. Retrieved from Nordic Monitor: https://nordicmonitor.com/2019/07/racist-folk-singer-whose-songs-used-during-torture-in-turkey-fans-hatred-among-turks/
[2] Stockholm Centre for Freedom. (2018, February 5). Zabit Kişi, Turkish citizen abducted in Kazakhstan, jailed in Turkey over 5 months later on alleged links to Gülen movement. Retrieved from Stockholm Centre for Freedom: https://stockholmcf.org/zabit-kisi-turkish-citizen-abducted-in-kazakhstan-jailed-in-turkey-over-5-months-later-on-alleged-links-to-gulen-movement/
Identity Hunters 