Confronting nationalism, using nationalism
Written by Jude Alissa
Appearing from the upheavals of the Bolshevik and Maoist revolutions, Bukharis arrived at a time of Saudi Arabia’s struggle ‘to defend the international Ummah from the threat of the nation-state’. The Bukhari experience portrays how nationalism led to their exile from Central Asia and their value in Saudi Arabia to the eventual dissolution of the motives that led to their existence.
From Marghalan and Urumqi to al-Hijaz
The influx of Central Asian immigrants to Saudi Arabia between the 1920s and 1960s tells a compelling tale about a subnation’s attempts at existence and a state’s construction efforts. Uzbeks and Uyghurs failed in their resistance against Soviet and Chinese communism, which forced them out of their homelands (Gladney, 1998, p.4). Elites were affected by the regime’s collectivisation, religious intellectuals for their resistance to anti-Islamic propaganda, and missionaries seeking business away from communist chaos (Balci, p.14). Through several waves of immigration, Uzbeks and Uyghurs sought stability in new lands, with al-Hijaz being amongst the most desirable destinations alongside Turkey (p.12).
‘…to consider Saudi Arabia as their final destination has always been a natural choice and symbolically the Hijra and the final refuge.’
Bayram Balci, Central Asian Refugees in Saudi Arabia: Religious Evolution and Contributing to the Reislamization of Their Motherland p.12
The first immigration wave around the 1930s coincided with two geopolitical transitions for al-Hijaz. Firstly, there was a tendency towards Arab nationalism to gain independence from the Ottoman Empire under the rulership of the King of Hijaz, Hussein bin Ali—secondly, the expansion of the Saudi state to al-Hijaz in 1925 to the eventual formation of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in 1932 backed with a Salafi ideology opposing Arab nationalism. Amidst these situations, Saudi Arabia maintained the goal of supporting ‘faith against race, Islamism against Arabism’ (Balci, p.18). Hence, despite these transitions, Saudi Arabia opened its borders to migrants fleeing atheist regimes that are targeting their offences on Muslims (Lewis, 1989, p.2).
Islam and, mainly, Salafism was Saudi’s mechanism of state formation and one way of arguing religion over nationalism when welcoming the Muhajirun (Balci, p.12). Another critical reason was the need to populate the new Kingdom with those who would elevate the economy and exploit the territory, for it has quadrupled in size (Balci, p.12). Drawing on their experiences and societal positions back in their homeland as intellectuals and entrepreneurs, they were a desirable people to welcome to Saudi citizenship.
Coherence between Identities: Hijazi and Bukhari
Geopolitical factors posed an exceptional opportunity for successful immigration and, complemented with existing familiarities within Uzbeks and Uyghurs and across Arabs, integration was a smooth sailing process, creating a coherent identity compatible with Arabs. Considering Saudi’s emphasis on purist Islam, Uzbeks and Uyghurs strived to prove an even more admirable identity appealing to the Kingdom by referring to themselves as coming from the land of al-Bukhari, a central religious scholar with whom Saudis were very familiar. ‘Bukhari’ soon came to refer to the subnation in al-Hijaz, whether Uzbek or Uyghur, from Bukhara or not, with a Salafi or mystical background. Bukharis, however, willingly abandoned mystical teachings for Salafism to deepen their ties with the new Kingdom (Balci, p.12). This conversion is the exact point of success for Saudi Arabia.
Constructing an identity in a region that has only recently been joined under Saudi Arabian rule naturally led to deep integration with the host country (Debata and Guang, 2010, p.60). Cultural barriers were significantly narrowed, and Bukharis were well-engaged in society through involvement in education, entrepreneurship, technology, medicine and government (Debata and Guang, 2010, p.67). One prominent figure is Abdulaziz Turkestani, former Saudi ambassador to Japan.
Former Saudi ambassador to Japan, Abdulaziz Turkestani on Godaid News
Limited demographic data is published by the Kingdom. However, a source estimates that Saudi Arabia had the largest Uyghur population outside Central Asia in 2010 (Debata and Guang, 2010, p.66). Another figure from a Saudi newspaper claims that Mecca in the 20th century had a population of 20 thousand Central Asians, making up 13.3% of Mecca’s population, the largest non-Arab subnation (Albukhari, 2011).
Loss of Touch: Bukhari is Hijazi
The linkages with Arabs were of great value to the Bukhari identity, and on the rather dark side of this successful integration is the fact that the immigration was, to many, predominantly the Uyghur, permanent; no looking back. Firstly, the arduous journey that was embarked on was selective of only the fit and wealthy but also resulted in significant losses of family members, leaving a trail of unwanted memories. Secondly, the Soviet and Maoist revolutions destroyed symbols of the Uyghur nation, and these nationalist activities proved to Bukharis that religious ties are more potent than national ties, further diminishing any interest in a return after independence or acting for self-determination. Finally, as summed up in an account from Lojain Rozi, a Saudi Uyghur Bukhari:
‘There is a disconnect with culture, and it was a deliberate choice to assume an alternative identity that is stronger, instead of a weak one that would get you killed’.
This eventual lack of differentiation between Arabs and Bukharis in Saudi Arabia is a unique case not shared with the communities who have migrated elsewhere. In Turkey, the identity is nourished through language maintenance, teaching that Eastern Turkestan is occupied by China and nationalist political efforts (Clothey, 2022). Nonetheless, the successful integration presented a valuable opportunity for the newcomers and the burgeoning Saudi Arabian Kingdom. This integration brings about what is referred to in this piece as the Arab-Bukhari contract.
The Arab-Bukhari Contract
Bukharis finding refuge in Saudi Arabia meant economic, social security and stability to them. For the Kingdom, it was a chance to embrace and benefit from the skills and resources these communities brought to handle the recent state’s expansions, export Islamic ideological teachings, and gain international support and legitimacy. This made the migration akin to a contract, benefiting both parties.
The Bukhari people in the mid-1900s generally found ease in obtaining visas and citizenships, allowing for more opportunities to engage with society. Arabs trusted their loyalty to the Kingdom, a legacy passed on to the following Bukhari generations. This also positioned Bukharis in a hierarchical range from other minorities viewed with suspicion (Balci, 17).
The Bukhari community’s influence went beyond the borders of Saudi Arabia, playing a significant role in promoting Saudi Salafism in Central Asia. Saudi Arabia sent Bukharis to their homelands with a mission to take advantage of nationalism and promote Salafism instead of Marxism-Leninism. Conversion to Salafism happened almost subconsciously as it was nearly impossible to doubt the Custodian of the Holy Mosques’ legitimacy, and it was more favourable to give Islam a political position (Balci, p.17).
This strategic dissemination of Saudi Islamic teachings marked a significant success for the Arab-Bukhari contract as it embedded Salafism within the emerging nation-states of Central Asia after the collapse of the USSR. Saudi Arabia, although not a nationalist regime, indeed benefitted from the existence of other nations that identify themselves through the religious foundations the Kingdom has laid out.
While the Arab-Bukhari contract is figurative, it was occasionally facilitated through actual contracts. Firstly, the Muslim World League, which was used to mobilise Bukharis and send them ‘to reislamise their fatherlands.’ (Balci, p.18). The tradition continued with Bukharis taking the initiative to support the goal. Secondly, and ironically, the Sino-Saudi missile deal. Although the actual deal was for weapon trades, it was met with an agreement to sponsor Uyghur students’ Islamic education (Gladney, 1992, p.174).
The End of the Contract and Third Generation Bukharis
There is a point when immigration to Saudi Arabia has stopped; although challenging to determine, it could be argued to be after the 1960s. Balci argues that the migration process has changed between 1948 and 1949, making it much more difficult. Radio Free Asia claims that Saudi Arabia did not accept refugee groups in 1965, which coincides with the claim that Saudi Arabia has stopped issuing visas for Uzbeks (Balci, p.19). This also occurred during attempts to form relations between Saudi Arabia and China, formerly the atheist regime Bukharis fled from (Yitzhak, 1989).
The most important event that indicates a shift in Saudi Arabian interests is the oil industry boom, also around the 1960s (Balci, 2007, p.15). Saudi Arabia closing its borders for Central Asian refugees indicates a change in national interests that could once be characterised by state construction and religious motives, shifting to an interest in international alliance strength and economic values. This also indicates the Kingdom’s satisfaction with the outcomes of the Arab-Bukhari contract on the one hand, and the other is the ultimate integration of Central Asian immigrants to create an exclusive subnation fitting only in al-Hijaz.
As time progressed, the term ‘Bukhari’ became a secondary identifier, observed mainly through names, physical features, and the preservation of local cuisines. Once a secondary language, Arabic quickly became dominant, and the native language is no longer relevant. This outcome underscores their crucial role in shaping Saudi identity and exporting Islamic teachings, positioning them as players in the Kingdom’s state construction. Their role in the formation of the Hijazi Saudi identity and promotion of Saudi Salafism in Central Asia is vital. Reflecting on her identity, Lojain Rozi succinctly captures the layers of the Bukhari identity:
‘If you ask me, I am Saudi. If my physical features and name confuse you, I am Bukhari, and only if asked to specify, I am Uyghur.’
Bibliography:
Albukhari, Razan Bay Oglu. “البخاريون.. من هم؟.” دنيا الوطن, April 9, 2011. https://pulpit.alwatanvoice.com/articles/2011/04/09/224692.html.
AlRadadi, Talal. “انتقلوا إلى الغربية منذ ٧٠ عام البخارين يستقون أخبار بلادهم من الحرم.” okaz.com.sa, December 7, 2006. https://web.archive.org/web/20211203015012/https://www.okaz.com.sa/Homepage.
Balci, Bayram. “Central Asian Refugees in Saudi Arabia: Religious Evolution and Contributing to the Reislamization of Their Motherland.” Oxford University Press 26, no. 2 (2007): 12–21. https://doi.org/10.1093/rsq/hdi0223.
Clothey, Rebecca. “Education and the Politics of Cultural Survival for Uyghur Immigrants in Turkey.” Journal of Language, Identity & Education, April 12, 2022, 1–14. https://doi.org/10.1080/15348458.2022.2045202.
Gladney, Dru C. “Constructing a Contemporary Uighur National Identity : Transnationalism, Islamicization, and State Representation.” CEMOTI 13, no. 1 (1992): 165–84. https://doi.org/10.3406/cemot.1992.1009.
Gladney, Dru C. “Internal Colonialism and the Uyghur Nationality: Chinese Nationalism and Its Subaltern Subjects.” Cahiers d’études sur la Méditerranée orientale et la monde turco-iranien, no. 25 (January 1, 1998): 1–12. https://doi.org/10.4000/cemoti.48.
Guang, Tian, and Mahesh Ranjan Debata*. “Identity and Mobilization in Transnational Societies: A Case Study of Uyghur Diasporic Nationalism.” China and Eurasia Forum Quarterly 8, no. 4 (2010): 59–78. http://jnu.ac.in/sites/default/files/sis/MakingSISVisible/Publications/Mahesh%20and%20guang%20Tian.pdf.
Lipes, Joshua. “Between Identity and Integration: The Uyghur Diaspora in the West – World Uyghur Congress.” World Uyghur Congress – Uyghur Human Rights Advocacy Organization, May 27, 2016.
Shichor, Yitzhak. East wind over arabia: Origins and implications of the Sino-Saudi missile deal. Berkeley (Calif.): University of California, 1989.
Sulaiman, Eset. “Between Identity and Integration.” Radio Free Asia. Accessed November 10, 2023. https://www.rfa.org/english/news/special/pathtofreedom/.
Identity Hunters 